confusing german titles: three things about the protestant ethic
In teaching Weber’s Protestant Ethic in my theory course the last two semesters, I’ve come to the conclusion that the title of the book (essay? long article? chapter in larger anthology?) is misleading. I’ve posted about German titles half jokingly before. The basic idea is that Germans tend to title their books using the template: “blah, blah, blah und blah, blah, blah” (or whatever the German equivalent of “blah” is), even when their books are really about three things not two. The best example, as I noted is Freud’s classic The Ego and the Id, which is a classic in Psychoanalysis because of the theoretical reworking of the role of the Superego in the metapsychology, precisely the entity that is left out in the binary title Das Ich und Das Es.
Weber’s Protestant Ethic is the same way and I’ve come to realize that only after trying to teach it to undergrads. It is not about two things as suggested by the classic germanic title (Die Protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus), but about three things: (1) The Protestant Ethic (whatever that is), (2) The (Spirit/Mentality*) of Capitalism (whatever that is), and then the third thing excluded from the title: (3) The Modern Economic Order. Without this last thing Weber’s argument is incomprehensible and in fact leads to the usual exegetical mangles generated by most people who try to make sense of “The Weber thesis.”
First, let us get rid of the most egregious fallacy. There is (no one) “Weber thesis” and much less is it (as has been proposed by the theoretically-challenged economists who are recently game of “testing” it) that Protestantism causes “capitalism” (whatever that is).
Second, the fact that the book is about three things, means that there are multiple “Weber theses,” some of which seem to be more historically plausible to me than others. But the one that is most important from a pedagogical perspective (if you are in charge of teaching this) and the one that seems most easily defendable is the following: these three things are independent, and while in a single historical case, one led to the other which then led to other, the more probable historical possibility is that you find them hanging out all by themselves.
This is how Weber structured the book. Thus, the first part is about Luther, Calvin and the Protestant sects (kind of boring). In this part, all that Weber wants to do is (1) provide an ideal type of what the “Protestant Ethic” is and (2) most crucially, to show that the Protestant Ethic existed prior to the Mentality of Capitalism; ergo the Protestant Ethic is quite independent from the Spirit of Capitalism, and is not bound to deterministically lead to the latter. In fact, most versions of the Protestant Ethic can’t do this, because they are too impregnated with what he called “mysticism” and thus lead towards an otherworldy asceticism (these terms are defined elsewhere in the collected essays). The causal sequence Protestant Ethic –> Spirit of Capitalism, has only happened in a few cases (e.g. Calvinism).
Notice that we have already transcended the simplistic presumptions of the theoretically challenged interpretation of the so-called Weber thesis. For if there is a “Weber thesis” here, it is the following: The Protestant Ethic (may, under some determinate historical circumstances that are fairly rare) lead to The Mentality of Capitalism (not “capitalism” without qualifications—this confuses the mentality of capitalism with its objective structural foundations—and much less “economic growth” (!!!???). As Parsons noted in his Heidelberg dissertation, this is not a “culture —> structure” arrow of causation but a “culture —> culture” one. We haven’t gotten to “structure” yet. That’s the (or one of the) other Weber’s “thesis(es)”
After doing this, (part II of Weber’ story) Weber’s does something puzzling (Chapter 3); he starts talking about Benjamin Franklin’s advice to young people. This usually throws people for a loop (leading to people thinking of the “Protestant Ethic” and “The Spirit of Capitalism” as coterminous). But it is clear what Weber wants to do by bringing up the (largely secular) Ben Franklin (and by implication the historical example of the American Colonies; let us not forget that it was a “trip to America” that finally convinced Weber to write this darn book). He wants to establish one of his other theses: the fact that the Spirit of Capitalism is historically independent from the Protestant Ethic, since it can survive even after that PE is gone. This is the whole point of the Franklin example (well actually two points, since the Franlkin example is also supposed to give us the ideal-typical definition of the Mentality of (rational) Capitalism). In fact he is clear that what is historically significant about 18th century America is the fact that there existed the Spirit of Capitalism without the Protestant Ethic and without the (structural) accoutrements of the modern economic order (e.g. the U.S. was a largely agricultural society and whatever industry existed was “proto-capitalist” and small scale).
Finally the famous Chapter 5. This is the most speculative and weakest of the chapter, because it contains the strongest and possibly most dubious of the Weber theses. First the one that seems least dubious: in this chapter Weber wants to secure the last link in the three-step chain: he wants to show that Ben Franklin’s mentality of capitalism is historically transformed into the objective, institutional structures of the Modern Economic Order. This is a culture —> structure argument, and today we would probably use the language of “institutionalization” to describe it. The second “thesis” that he wants to establish (and here Weber substitutes Nitzschean pathos for actual argument) is that modern societies are an example of the fact that The Modern Economic Order can exist without either the Protestant Ethic or the Spirit of Capitalism. Both of these cultural sources of meaning are exhausted and the system rests on “mechanical foundations” (never have such a few lines of bad argumentation generated more rivers of scholarship from both the left and the right). So the final step is complete. Weber’s full argument is: “Protestant Ethic –> Mentality of Capitalism –> Modern Economic Order.”
That’s why is silly to try to “refute” the Weber thesis by pointing to the fact that for instance, institutional elements of the Modern Economic Order existed in the (Catholic) Italian City-States. As if Weber (the History Savant) didn’t know this! (he did. see General Economic History). In fact, he saw this as supporting his “all three things can exist independently of one another” argument. The Italian city states had elements of the Modern Economic Order but had neither the Protestant Ethic nor the Spirit of Capitalism. Also, I think the fact that the chain is three steps long does leave open the possibility that you can get a “Modern Economic Order” without the Protestant Ethic as long as you get a “Mentality of Capitalism” from somewhere. If some other “[Fill in the blank] ethic —> Mentality of Capitalism” then it is possible to get a (culturally specific version of) the Modern Economic Order. Obviously this argument has already been made for Japan (by Bellah and Collins) for instance.
So the moral of the story: three things not two. And all three are independent from one another not joined lockstep in some sort of inexorable causal chain.
*The German word “Geist” was translated by Parsons as “spirit” although the less spooky “mentality” is also acceptable and actually preferable (e.g. Geistesleben is translated as “Mental Life” in Simmel’s classic essay).
It always amuses me that Weber’s theory is cited by Protestants (whose understanding of it is usually limited to three words, “Protestant Work Ethic”) as evidence of the superiority of Protestantism. Unfortunately, the data doesn’t support the assertion. The acid test is to look at per capita income in the regions of Germany and Austria (This makes the comparison apples to apples, unlike comparing say Scots to Italians). What one sees is that the southern Catholic regions of West Germany and Austria have higher incomes than the northern Protestant West Germany (I am leaving out the old East Germany, which was artifically stunted). Or if you want a non-German example, look at white American Catholics versus white American Protestants, where again the Catholics win out. So Weber’s thesis heads for the garbage heap of history when tested with demographic data.
My own Dragon theory is rather simple and more universal. There is a direct correlation between the prosperity a society achieves and the extent to which a a particular culture emphasizes family, education and free enterprise.
In the American example, Catholics have the advantage precisely because they come from a tradition that respects scholastic achievement. This is evident from the Catholic Church’s huge effort to develop a system of high quality Catholic schools and universities.
Catholics are more family-oriented, a multigenerational mindset which leads parents to be willing to spend more on their children’s education. I remember many of my Protestant friends being told by their parents that if they wanted a college education, they should go out and earn the money for it (Protestant individualism at its finest). Some did, others didn’t or couldn’t. Greater willingness to spend on education coming from a more family-oriented view of the world is a major Catholic advantage.
The willingness to embrace free enterprise varies among Catholic Americans, often based on their ancestry. So for example the Irish advanced more slowly than some other white Catholic groups because they emphasized government jobs (the Irish cop). However overall American Catholics emphasis on free enterprise is probably equal or better than American Protestants, if for no other reason than the more educated population will “follow the money” into the private sector.
The universality of my theory is supported when one looks at the cultures of East Asia. The strong Confucian influence, which reveres both family and education, is the perfect starting point. All these societies needed to do was reject statism and embrace free enterprise to set off explosive economic growth that is reshaping our world.
RJ Dragon
January 8, 2010 at 5:50 pm
Omar – awesome post, made my day to read it.
I take your point in saying that the three factors are independent (in the same way that I become independent of my parents once I move out of the house, get my own job, stop relying on them for daily sustenance); however, it’s not as if the three factors are historically independent (which would be like saying that I could exist without my parents conceiving me).
What I take as your main point is that it’s a big stretch to say that we should find strong correlations between these factors over time. We’d need a much more sophisticated event history model (if you could actually identify the event of the birth of the capitalist mentality) if you wanted to really test Weber’s first thesis.
brayden
January 8, 2010 at 6:23 pm
Right. There are elements of temporal dependency but not “causal” dependency in the strong sense. In fact, the chain can be derailed at any step. There’s no guarantee that any particularly ascetic religious ethic will generate a (rational) capitalist mentality (in fact Weber spends lots of time on the negative cases) nor is there any guarantee that such an mentality, once generated, will be coupled to and help institutionalize objective structures of accumulation associated with the modern economic order (e.g. double-entry bookkeeping, large-scale enterprise, bureaucratic rationality, etc.). To think this would be tantamount to saying that the relatively backward American colonies (which had the mentality without the order) were somehow “destined” to become the clearest example of a (rational) capitalist economy, which is a Hegelian evolutionist fallacy. In terms of bureaucratic legal-rationality the historical example of China is key for Weber (actually more important than Italy), because elements of legal-rational authority were actually more historically developed there, but (rational!) capitalism (as Weber defined it) does not emerge in that context.
But yeah, more than event history, plain old comparative-historical research is the correct method here. For Weber’s thesis has nothing to do with individuals (Protestant or otherwise) or even “national cases” as we tend to define them today for purposes of regression meat-grinding.
Omar
January 8, 2010 at 6:46 pm
One thing that’s often forgotten is how polemical the whole thing is, especially in the context of the surrounding exchanges with critics and revisions, etc. Weber writes the piece, then some interlocutors critique, then Weber responds and is all “Well obviously I didn’t mean anything as simple-minded as that, you jackass”, and it gets more spittle-flecked from there. (Seriously, there’s yelling and eyerolling to beat the band.) In that spirit, er, I mean mentality, you can even read the original contribution as a polemical tour-de-force with Weber looking to the Marxists and saying “Your Manifesto presents this materialist caricature of the historical development of capitalism, so here’s an idealist caricature that’s at least as plausible”.
Kieran
January 8, 2010 at 7:54 pm
Very good point about the polemics. Very 19th century German to put together a grand theory (Hegel, Marx, Weber) unburdened by the expectation that it should be supported by data. Today you would be expected to have data rich studies on how the view of the individual versus the family affects the willingness to invest in human capital (education), as well as the return on that investment provided by society (degree of free enterprise) and the willingness of groups to embrace the entrepreneurial opportunity.
RJ Dragon
January 8, 2010 at 8:19 pm
Thanks RJ for letting us know how well Catholics in the U.S. are doing, their entrepreneurial spirit, etc. I wouldn’t know about that, since I’m just the Sociology Professor at the Catholic university that seems to be swimming in money.
Omar
January 9, 2010 at 2:38 am
That seemed a little bit out of left field.
Trey
January 9, 2010 at 7:28 am
[...] wondered whether students read their professor’s blog posts. I think we tend to keep things obscure enough around here to deter anyone from reading more than a couple lines into a post. (In fact, if any [...]
students as facebook friends? « orgtheory.net
January 9, 2010 at 6:37 pm
I printed that out an put it in one of my copies of the work, the much-maligned second Roxbury. (I also have the Scribner’s edition translated and edited by Talcott Parsons, but it is too brittle for tip ins.) The Roxbury is the one I marked up.
In fact, reading Weber took me to Franklin’s essay, which I did not know. I have since touted it at every opportunity. (Last semester I had a class in Global Crime which, of course blamed “capitalism” for much if not everything. To that I insisted that this is not the capitalism of Franklin but of the university business schools.)
Be that as it may, I appreciate Dr. Lizardo’s sharing his insights with us.
Michael E. Marotta
January 9, 2010 at 9:02 pm
Hi Omar, I thought ND was officially secular, subspecies left-wing, after that honorary degree they granted last spring. If not true that is going to slow up your application to the Ivy League, where at least your football team will have a chance. But you should have figured it out sooner when the unofficial nickname for alumni is Golden Domers.
RJ Dragon
January 11, 2010 at 7:00 pm